The first three quarters make for a pretty depressing reading. Greenwald describes the staggering success of the identarian penetration of higher education (where it was incubated), the media, the political "left", and most amazingly the corporate sector. The latter has undergirded the revolution with staggering financial contributions to activist groups and NGOs— we are talking billions of dollars.
The good news is that in the past few months, key aspects of the revolution have come under sustained pressure, as the consequences of "defund the police" initiatives have started to bear their rotten fruit in exploding crime rates in urban areas mainly populated by the Black and Hispanic people that are supposed to be its beneficiaries.
He also describes the parent's resistance to racist indoctrination in schools that draw on the pernicious doctrine known as Critical Race Theory, which became a key focus in last November's gubernatorial election in Virginia with disastrous results for the Democrats.
All evidence indicates that the revolutionaries have seen steady progress on many fronts. Their impact on the country has been both gargantuan and lasting. But there is real cause for hope. Because the revolution has systematically intruded on the safety and well-being of everyday citizens, a growing movement of Americans is rejecting it. And these anti-revolutionaries have won some big battles. What’s more, several key political figures—liberals, in fact—have turned against some of the revolution’s core demands.
Yes, it’s still a revolution. But it’s now also a fight.
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Soon after the summer of 2020, the mass riots ceased. The armed occupied zones of the cities in the Pacific Northwest vanished. Congressional Democrats threw off their multicolored stoles and rose to their feet. The cancellations and denunciations of those who offend revolutionary sensibilities faded from the front page. So, too, did stories about tearing down historic statues, the reshaping of institutions around identity politics, and radical demands to cancel rent payments. And, finally, calls for defunding the police quieted down. It’s easy to look at this seeming de-escalation as evidence that the revolution never quite got off the ground after all.
But look closer. The riots stopped because the rioters and armed occupiers achieved their aims, and in no time at all. The police were comprehensively defunded. By the start of 2021, New York City had stripped its police budget of almost $1 billion, with ex-Mayor Bill de Blasio’s promise to do so secured on July 1, 2020, one month after the revolution began. Around the same time, Los Angeles cut $150 million from the LAPD. Philadelphia did the same, to the tune of $33 million. The list goes on. At least a dozen major American cities choked off great sums once directed toward law enforcement.
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So the greatest transgressions of the revolution are being beaten back, while its more pervasive, quotidian demands are continually reinforced through inertia. But beyond the CRT and defund fights, there are additional signs that the revolution is losing some of its cultural sway. Multiple polls show that Hispanic Americans, for example, are increasingly rejecting the Democratic Party and the revolution’s radical policies advanced for the supposed benefit of “people of color.” In a Democracy Fund Voter Study Group survey done after last November’s election, Hispanics opposed defunding or shrinking the police by at least 2 to 1. The term woke, once embraced as a kind of revolutionary catch-all, is in bad odor, with radicals running away from the label at every turn.